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Majoring in Anthropology, Minoring in European Studies

I didn’t always know I wanted to study anthropology, and I didn’t really know what anthropology was until my first year. I entered Stanford knowing that I was generally interested in healthcare and politics, and I thought I would major in Human Biology with plans to go to medical school. In my freshman year, I took an intro to anthropology course and I fell in love with the discipline. I loved the methods of ethnography and participant-observation, the theory that social anthropology was built on, how it approached questions about society, and how an anthropological lens could be applied to issues like global health and politics. After really enjoying the fieldwork assignment in the course, I decided to major in anthropology the next quarter.

I first heard about Global Studies sometime around my sophomore year, when I was more seriously looking into different study abroad options through the Bing Overseas Studies Program. I wasn’t sure if I would end up minoring in anything, and I had actually bounced between a few different minors throughout my undergraduate degree—most seriously considering creative writing, economics, and Spanish. It was only after going to Oxford for the winter and spring quarters of my junior year that I very seriously began considering more about what I wanted to major in, and especially since I had grown very interested in Europe during my time studying abroad, I declared a minor in Global Studies with a concentration in European Studies over the summer.

Oxford and the Fraught Question of European Identity

I was never particularly interested in Europe until I studied abroad at Oxford in the winter and spring quarters of my junior year. I had expected to focus mostly on anthropology coursework, but I found myself in England at such a fascinating time politically that I started to really become interested in European politics. At the time, the former Prime Minister Theresa May was working on trying to get a Brexit deal through Parliament, and the European elections that took place while I was there in May mobilized all of my peers, including leaving through previous party allegiances behind in order to vote for pro-European parties in the European elections. At the same time as all this was happening, I was learning first-hand from Oxford students about regional divides within England, tensions between the four nations of the United Kingdom, and cultural and political divides there that only became stronger once Brexit brought out the often fraught question of European identity.

My thematic focus within the minor was European political institutions, which combined a mix of the coursework I had done while studying abroad at Oxford as well as the coursework I then did in Stanford, from Spanish classes that allowed me to study Spanish political parties to European studies classes that focused directly on the European Union as an institution.

What I loved most about the European studies program was the individual attention that it provided. I really appreciated how easy it was to set up directed readings on topics like Brexit and European party politics, how responsive staff and faculty were, and how flexible the program was so that I could get a mix of broad understanding of global and European studies, while also giving me the opportunity to focus on more specific topics. I would strongly encourage anyone considering the minor to really take advantage of the fantastic opportunities that The Europe Center provides its students—from internship opportunities to individual attention from professors. The only regret I have is that I didn’t declare a Global Studies minor in European Studies much earlier and could have taken advantage of even more of what the program had to offer!

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Josh Cobler

From the Minor to a Master's program in European Politics at Oxford

I had really enjoyed my time studying abroad at Oxford, and I knew that it was a place that I wanted to return to. Especially since Brexit negotiations and European elections gave me a taste of European politics, I wanted to continue learning about European politics both upon my return to Stanford and after graduation. Sometime in the fall of my senior year, I began very seriously considering applying to Oxford for their two-year Master’s program in European politics, especially since that would be a great way to learn more at the graduate level about many of the questions that the European Studies minor opened for me. The European project is in many ways quite novel and could have a lot of potential for building a more democratic and just world even beyond the European Union’s member states. Its developments since the European Coal and Steel Community after World War II have created a fascinating cosmopolitan European identity—especially among young people who have grown up only knowing an integrated Europe where anyone could live, travel, and work anywhere in the EU—while also opening up space for populist and nationalist backlash against the very institutions that have helped Europe recover and thrive after decades of conflict. More than anything, I wanted to investigate why this is happening and what ramifications this could have, so I decided that graduate school would be the best way to really dive deeper into this line of inquiry, combining the methods I had learned through my anthropology major with the knowledge of European politics that I learned in the European studies minor.

Now that it’s been a few months since I’ve started the program, I can’t emphasize enough how much the European Studies minor really prepared me for graduate work in European politics. I was definitely nervous to be jumping into a new discipline since I hadn’t majored in political science or international relations, especially since the vast majority of my peers in this Master’s program had. But as I’ve learned since the beginning of this academic year, I was set up by the European Studies program to succeed, and I feel like I’ve come in with similar levels of background knowledge as other students.

I don’t know exactly what I’ll be doing after finishing my Master’s degree here; it’s a two-year course, so I’ll be spending the 2021-2022 academic year working on my Master’s thesis, which is currently a comparative study of populist political identities in regions of Spain and England. I have been really enjoying research, including the year of methods training I have this year, and I have found myself incredibly motivated by the research “puzzle” I’ve been unravelling in this Master’s program, so I think a PhD could likely be in my future. I would love to have an impact on European and international policy as well, including working on democratic reforms that I hope could help European citizens feel more politically engaged, as well as more connected to each other and the world. Other than the more aspirational goals, I currently don’t have any plans to leave Europe in the near future. While I’d like to leave England sometime after graduating from Oxford, my hope is to get to spend time living and working somewhere in continental Europe, possibly in a country like Spain given how interested in Spanish politics and culture I’ve become.

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Josh Cobler
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Brill's Companion to the Reception of Athenian Democracy- From the Late Middle Ages to the Contemporary Era
Contemporary democratic theory has many mansions: theories of competi-tive, pluralistic, and deliberative democracy have generated large literatures.2Among more recent developments is “epistemic democracy,” which focuses on the quality of the decisions made by democratic groups. The core premise of theories of epistemic democracy is that the legitimacy of democracy as a sys-tem of governance ought to be predicated on the results of decision- making, and not only the procedural rules and practices. How good or bad decisions are ought to be testable against some independent criterion of value. Thus, even if a given decision is procedurally impeccable by democratic standards (e.g. it was predicated on strict standards of equality of influence among decision- makers and those affected by the decision), if the decision itself was substantively bad, the epistemic democrat will say that something has gone seriously wrong. De-cisions may be judged bad either by a deontological moral standard (e.g. the decision resulted in the violation of certain persons’ rights), or by a practical efficacy standard (e.g. the decision resulted in outcomes that were detrimental to welfare or security interests common to residents of the relevant commu-nity). If democratic decisions are to be substantively good, decision- making processes must aggregate privately- held useful knowledge as well as individual preferences or interests. In brief, a democracy may be said to be “epistemic” to the degree to which it employs collective wisdom to make good policy.

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Chapter in Brill's Companion to the Reception of Athenian Democracy: From the Late Middle Ages to the Contemporary Era
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Josiah Ober
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Bollettino Filosofico
The tacit presupposition underlying all of Heidegger’s work, both early (regarding Dasein) and late (regarding Ereignis), was his retrieval of the unsaid in Aristotelian κίνησις. As the prologue to a work-in-progress, this essay discusses how Heidegger’s approach to phenomenology laid the groundwork for his rereading of κίνησις. Heidegger argued that Aristotle (1) understood κίνησις ontologically as a form of being and (2) worked within an implicit proto-phenomenological reduction of being (οσία) to intelligibility (παρουσία). Heidegger, in turn, interpreted παρουσία in terms of λήθεια on three distinct but interrelated levels. This prologue prepares the way for a discussion of Heidegger’s readings of Physica III 1-3 and Metaphysica IX and their impact on the topics of Dasein and Ereignis.

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Thomas Sheehan
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The Oxford World History of Empire
This is the first world history of empire, reaching from the third millennium BCE to the present. By combining synthetic surveys, thematic comparative essays, and numerous chapters on specific empires, its two volumes provide unparalleled coverage of imperialism throughout history and across continents, from Asia to Europe and from Africa to the Americas. Only a few decades ago empire was believed to be a thing of the past; now it is clear that it has been and remains one of the most enduring forms of political organization and power. We cannot understand the dynamics and resilience of empire without moving decisively beyond the study of individual cases or particular periods, such as the relatively short age of European colonialism. The history of empire, as these volumes amply demonstrate, needs to be drawn on the much broader canvas of global history.

Volume I: The Imperial Experience is dedicated to synthesis and comparison. Following a comprehensive theoretical survey and bold world history synthesis, fifteen chapters analyze and explore the multifaceted experience of empire across cultures and through the ages. The broad range of perspectives includes: scale, world systems and geopolitics, military organization, political economy and elite formation, monumental display, law, mapping and registering, religion, literature, the politics of difference, resistance, energy transfers, ecology, memories, and the decline of empires. This broad set of topics is united by the central theme of power, examined under four headings: systems of power, cultures of power, disparities of power, and memory and decline. Taken together, these chapters offer a comprehensive and unique view of the imperial experience in world history.

 

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Ian Morris
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The Oxford World History of Empire
This is the first world history of empire, reaching from the third millennium BCE to the present. By combining synthetic surveys, thematic comparative essays, and numerous chapters on specific empires, its two volumes provide unparalleled coverage of imperialism throughout history and across continents, from Asia to Europe and from Africa to the Americas. Only a few decades ago empire was believed to be a thing of the past; now it is clear that it has been and remains one of the most enduring forms of political organization and power. We cannot understand the dynamics and resilience of empire without moving decisively beyond the study of individual cases or particular periods, such as the relatively short age of European colonialism. The history of empire, as these volumes amply demonstrate, needs to be drawn on the much broader canvas of global history.

Volume I: The Imperial Experience is dedicated to synthesis and comparison. Following a comprehensive theoretical survey and bold world history synthesis, fifteen chapters analyze and explore the multifaceted experience of empire across cultures and through the ages. The broad range of perspectives includes: scale, world systems and geopolitics, military organization, political economy and elite formation, monumental display, law, mapping and registering, religion, literature, the politics of difference, resistance, energy transfers, ecology, memories, and the decline of empires. This broad set of topics is united by the central theme of power, examined under four headings: systems of power, cultures of power, disparities of power, and memory and decline. Taken together, these chapters offer a comprehensive and unique view of the imperial experience in world history.

 

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Walter Scheidel
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The Review of Corporate Finance Studies
The 2020 COVID-19 crisis can spur research on firms’ corporate finance decisions and their macroeconomic implications, similar to the wave of important research on banking and household finance triggered by the 2008 financial crisis. What are the relevant corporate finance mechanisms in this crisis? Modeling dynamics and timing considerations are likely important, as is integrating corporate financing considerations into modern quantifiable macroeconomics models. Recent empirical work, including articles in this special issue, on the drag from debt in the COVID-19 crisis provides a first glimpse into the new research agenda.

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Arvind Krishnamurthy
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Statistics and Public Policy
Relative to its overall statewide support, the Republican Party has been over-represented in congressional delegations and state legislatures over the last decade in a number of US states. A challenge is to determine the extent to which this can be explained by intentional gerrymandering as opposed to an underlying inefficient distribution of Democrats in cities. We explain the “spatial inefficiency” of support for Democrats, and demonstrate that it varies substantially both across states and also across legislative chambers within states. We introduce a simple method for measuring this inefficiency by assessing the partisanship of the nearest neighbors of each voter in each US state. Our measure of spatial efficiency helps explain cross-state patterns in legislative representation, and allows us to verify that political geography contributes substantially to inequalities in political representation. At the same time, however, we also show that even after controlling for spatial efficiency, partisan control of the redistricting process has had a substantial impact on the parties’ seat shares. Supplementary materials for this article are available online.

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Jonathan Rodden
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European Journal of Economics and Economic Policies
This paper studies the effects of fiscal rules on public investment. Economists argue that fiscal rules decrease public investment, as it is easier for governments to lower public investment than current expenditures. This paper presents an empirical assessment of the relationship between fiscal rules and public investment using European panel data covering the 1997–2016 period. In contrast to previous work, we focus on national fiscal rules and use the European Commission's Fiscal Rules Strength Index to measure the constraints imposed on public finances. This index captures 230 national fiscal rules and reflects the annual strength of fiscal rules in each European Union member state. In line with our expectations, we find that fiscal rules decrease public investment. We run some additional models in which the results are mixed.

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European journal of economics and economic policies intervention
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Christophe Crombez
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Medieval British Manuscripts
The scholarship and teaching of manuscript studies has been transformed by digitisation, rendering previously rarefied documents accessible for study on a vast scale. The Cambridge Companion to Medieval British Manuscripts orientates students in the complex, multidisciplinary study of medieval book production and contemporary display of manuscripts from c.600–1500. Accessible explanations draw on key case studies to illustrate the major methodologies and explain why skills in understanding early book production are so critical for reading, editing, and accessing a rich cultural heritage. Chapters by leading specialists in manuscript studies range from explaining how manuscripts were stored, to revealing the complex networks of readers and writers which can be understood through manuscripts, to an in depth discussion on the Wycliffite Bible.

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We analyze unilateral, efficient and Nash trade policies in a symmetric, two-country version of the Melitz-Ottaviano (2008) model. Starting at global free trade, we show that a country gains from the introduction of (1) a small import tariff; (2) a small export subsidy, if trade costs are low and the dispersion of productivities is high; and (3) an appropriately combined small increase in its import and export tariffs. The welfare of its trading partner, however, falls in each of these three cases. The market may provide too little or too much entry, depending on a simple relationship among model parameters. Correspondingly, global free trade is generally not efficient, even within the class of symmetric trade policies. We also provide conditions under which, starting at the symmetric Nash equilibrium, countries can mutually gain by exchanging small reductions in import tariffs, export tariffs or combinations thereof. More generally, we show that Nash equilibria are inefficient while “politically optimal” policies are efficient, indicating a central role for the terms-of-trade externality. We also discuss why the model's implications for the treatment of export subsidies in trade agreements differ from those that obtain in a model with CES preferences for the differentiated-goods sector.

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Journal of International Economics
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Kyle Bagwell
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